1 Michel Espagne: Les transferts culturels franco-allemands, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1999, pp. 1–8.

2 The merits of this approach have also been mentioned concerning the study of the Greek Orthodox communities in Europe. Vaso Seirinidou noted that, the communal institutions, cultural practices and reform programs of the “diasporic” Greek communities of Europe should be studied in their interaction and mutual configuration with those of the “receiving society”. Challenging the standard approach to the study of the Greek communities in Europe which have been dealt with interpretative claims of historical particularity and continuity, V. Seirinidou situated the linguistic program – concerning the Greek-language education at the Greek Orthodox schools in Habsburg Monarchy – of the intellectual Dimitrios Darvaris within the nationalizing processes that were prevalent in Central Europe at that time. See Vaso Seirinidou: “Πολιτισμιϰές Μεταφοϱές ϰαι Ελληνιϰές Παϱοιϰίες. Νεές Αναγνώσεις μιας Παλιάς Ιστοϱίας, με Αφοϱμή το Παϱάδειγμα του Δημήτϱιου Δάϱβαϱη”, paper presented at the Conference (Nation and intellectuals between Greece and Europe in the long 19th century), Athens, 10–11 April 2009.

3 Michel Espagne observed that the former comparative approaches took as their subjects, two totally separate units and searched for their similarities and differences, hence petrified the oppositions. Michel Espagne: Les transferts culturels franco-allemands, p. 36. For more recent attempts to go beyond the established notions of comparison, see Comparative and Transnational History. Central European Approaches and New Perspectives, (eds). Heinz-Gerhard Haupt and Jürgen Kocka, New York: Berghahn, 2009; Michael Werner; Bénédicte Zimmermann: “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity”, History and Theory 45 (February 2006), pp. 30–50; Jürgen Kocka: “Comparison and Beyond”, History and Theory 42 (February 2003), pp. 39–44.

4 Michel Espagne: Les transferts culturels franco-allemands, pp. 37–38. Also see Michel Espagne: «Approches anthropologiques et racines philologiques des transferts culturels», in: L'horizon anthropologique des transferts culturels ed. by Michel Espagne, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 2004, pp. 213–226. In this essay, Espagne drew an interesting picture of the diachronic process of transfer in the fields of philology and literature in France and Germany through the intellectual biographies of Wilhelm von Humboldt and Max Müller.

5 See especially Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink: “Conceptual History and Conceptual Transfer: The Case of ‘Nation’ in Revolutionary France and Germany”, in: History of concepts: comparative perspectives, ed. by Iain Hampshire-Monk, Karin Tilmans, Frank van Vree, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 1998, pp. 115–128. In this study, Lüsebrink investigates the intercultural ‘genesis’ of the conceptual field of ‘nation’ in France and Germany.

6 See Vangelis Kechriotis: “Adamantios Korais: Report on the Present State of Civilization in Greece”, in: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Eastern Europe (1770–1945), vol. I: Late Enlightenment – Emergence of the Modern ‘National Idea’, ed. by Balazs Trencsenyi & Michal Kopecek, Budapest, 2006, p. 143. On the evidence of the ‘Report’ (1803) of the prominent revolutionary Greek intellectual Adamantios Korais, V. Kechriotis stated that “Greek nationalism may be considered the first expression of nationalism to appear outside Western Christendom among a community ruled by non-Christians and itself hitherto hostile to Western notions”.

7 Johann Strauss: “The Greek Connection in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Intellectual History”, in: Greece and the Balkans. Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightenment, ed. Dimitris Tziovas, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2003, pp. 47–67.

8 J. Strauss: “The Greek Connection in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Intellectual History”, p. 65.

9 In 1814, a new theoretical system and a new music notation were introduced by the “Three teachers”, Hrisanthos of Madytos, Grigorios the First Cantor (Protopsaltis) and Hurmuzios the Archivist (Hartofilakas). See Kaiti Romanou: “I Metarrithmisi tou 1814”, Musicology 1 (1985), pp. 7–22.

10 The invention of a new notation system using the Armenian letters is attributed to Hampardzum Limondjian or later as he was called Baba Hampardzum (1768–1839). For his biography, see Komitas Vardapet: «La Musique Religieuse Arménienne au XIXe Siècle Première Période 1839–1874», translated by Leon Ketcheyan (originally publ. in Ararat May 1897), in: Revue des Etudes Arméniennes 20, 1986–1987, pp. 497–506.

11 The Mevlevi sheik Abdülbaki Nasır Dede (1765–1821) explained the notational system invented by him in his book Tahririye, which he dedicated to Selim III. See Osmanlı Musıki Literatürü Tarihi [History of the Literature of Music during the Ottoman Period], ed. by Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Istanbul, IRCICA, 2003, pp. 130–131.

12 This point has been made in Kaiti Romanou: “I Metarrithmisi tou 1814”, Musicology 1 (1985), pp. 7–22.

13 Hrisanthos of Madytos: Θεωϱητιϰόν μεγά της Μουσιϰής, Trieste, Michele Weis, 1832, reprinted by Koultoura, Athens, 2003. In view of his exile by the Church and on the evidence of some nineteenth-century sources, musicologist Kaiti Romanou suggested that Hrisanthos had contact with the circles in Europe who supported the national movement. See Kaiti Romanou: “I Metarrithmisi tou 1814”, Musicology 1 (1985), p. 16. Romanou wrote that according to F. J. Fétis' Biographie Universelle des Musiciens (2nd edition Paris, 1875), the ‘Introduction’ of Hrisanthos was published in 1821 in Paris by his student Anastasios Thamiris who was helped by a Konstantinos A. Nikolopoulos, teacher of Greek literature and amateur musician who would publish religious and patriotic Greek songs, and texts with patrotic content after 1821.

14 Hrisanthos of Madytos: Θεωϱητιϰόν μεγά της Μουσιϰής, p. θ': “[…] διότι στεϱούμενοι διδαϰτιϰού βιβλίου της τέχνης των, δεν δύνανται να πϱοχωϱήσωσι πεϱαιτέϱω από όσα ϰατά παϱάδοσιν έλαβαν”.

15 Hrisanthos of Madytos: Θεωϱητιϰόν μεγά της Μουσιϰής, p. η': “Μάθετε την τέχνην της Μελοποιϊας, ϰαι τον τϱόπον του συνθέτειν τας μελωδίας με λόγον επιστημονιϰώτατον […]”.

16 Stephanos Lambadarios: Κϱηπίς ητοι Νέα Στοιχειώδης Διδασϰαλία του Θεωϱητιϰού ϰαι Πϱαϰτιϰού της Εϰϰλησιαστιϰής Μουσιϰής, ed. by. D. Ioannis Protopsaltou, Constantinople, Patriarchal Publishing House, 1875, p. δ'.

17 Turkish and Greek musicians were also referring to each other's works. For instance, Ebu Refi Kazım (1872–1938) mentioned in his essay in the journal Malumat, the research and the measurements of Nikolaos Paganas (1844–1907) with praise and published the values that Paganas found for the chord lengths which gave the sounds of the European instruments, saying that the differences of these lengths complied with his own findings. See Merih Erol: Cultural Identifications of the Greek Orthodox Elite of Constantinople: Discourse on Music in the Nineteenth and early Twentieth Centuries, Ph.D diss., Boğaziçi University, Istanbul 2009, pp. 322–323.

18 Ali Rıfat (Çağatay) was an oud player and composer. He taught at Darülelhan (House of Melodies), the music school which was opened in 1914. He was the founder of the Oriental Music Association in Istanbul which was established during the WWI and was also the founding president of the Institute for Turkish Music.

19 Ali Rİfat (Çağatay): “Mukaddime (Introduction)”, Malumat, 23 May 1895 in: Faysal Arpaguş: Malumat Mecmuası'nın 1–500 Sayılarında Yer Alan Türk Musıkisi ile İlgili Makaleler [The Articles on Turkish Music Published in the 1–500th Issues of the Journal Malumat], MA Thesis submitted to Marmara University, Istanbul, 2004, p. 19.

20 Stephanos Lambadarios: Κϱηπίς ητοι Νέα Στοιχειώδης Διδασϰαλία του Θεωϱητιϰού ϰαι Πϱαϰτιϰού της Εϰϰλησιαστιϰής Μουσιϰής, p. γ'.

21 Ali Rİfat (Çağatay): “Mukaddime (Introduction)”, p. 22.

22 See Stale Kleiberg: “Following Grieg: David Monrad Johansen's Musical Style in the Early Twenties, and His Concept of a National Music”, in: Musical Constructions of Nationalism: Essays on the History and Ideology of European Musical Culture 1800–1945, ed. by Harry White and Michael Murphy, Dublin, Cork University Press, 2001, pp. 142–162, p. 160.

23 Arzu Öztürkmen noted that these nationalisms were part of the same cultural system. See A. Öztürkmen: Türkiye'de Folklor ve Milliyetçilik [Folklore and Nationalism in Turkey], Istanbul, İletişim, 1998, p. 19.

24 The collection and dissemination of folk songs was a shared concern for both Greek and Turkish nation-building attempts. Notwithstanding the long history of the folk song collections in Europe, one can perhaps talk about a local transfer of ideas and models within the Ottoman cultural elite. For instance, it is worth noting that not much later than the awarding of five folk music collectors by the Greek Literary Society of Constantinople in 1895–96, Necip Asım (1861–1935) wrote a letter to the editor of the journal Malumat demanding the publication of the old Turkish folk songs, shepherd songs, and the works of the bards and local poets. For Necip Asım's letter, see Faysal Arpaguş: Malumat Mecmuası'nın 1–500 Sayılarında Yer Alan Türk Musıkisi ile İlgili Makaleler, pp. 106–110.

25 See Anna Veronika Wendland: „Randgeschichten? Osteuropäische Perspektiven auf Kulturtransfer und Verflechtungsgeschichte“, in: Transfergeschichte(n). Peripherie und Zentrum, Osteuropa 58. Jg., 3/3200, pp. 95–116; Daniel Ursprung: „Die Peripherie als Zentrum. Osteuropa und die Kulturgeschichte des Politischen“, in: Transfergeschichte(n). Peripherie und Zentrum, pp. 145–56.

26 See Antonis Liakos: “Canon and the conceptual frameworks of modern history”, in: Transnational Concepts, transfers and the challenge of the peripheries, ed. by Gürcan Koçan, Istanbul, Istanbul Technical University Press, 2008, pp. 20–29.

27 Philipp Ther: „Introduction“, in: Oper im Wandel der Gesellschaft. Kulturtransfers und Netzwerke des Musiktheaters im modernen Europa, ed. by Sven Oliver Müller, Philipp Ther, Jutta Toelle and Gesa zur Nieden, Wien, Böhlau, 2010, p. 17.

28 Carl Dahlhaus: “Nationalism and Music”, in: Between Romanticism and Modernism: Four Studies in the Music of the late Nineteenth Century ed. by Mary Whittall, Berkeley, 1980, p. 89.

29 Georgios Lambelet: “Η Εθνιϰή Μουσιϰή, η Λαϊϰή” (1901): “Η τέχνη λοιπόν η αντλούσα την υπόστασίν της από τας αγνάς ϰαι ειλιϰϱινείς πηγάς της εθνιϰής ιδέας είνε η αληθινή τέχνη […]”; “Η αφετηϱία πάσης τέχνης εϰπηγάζει βέβαια πάντοτε από τον λαόν”, in: Olympia Frangou-Psychopedis: Η Εθνιϰή Σχολή Μουσιϰής. Πϱοβλήματα Ιδεολογίας [The national school of music. The problems of ideology], Athens, Ίδϱυμα Μεσογειαϰών Μελέτων, 1990, p. 219, 221.

30 Ibid., pp. 225–226. Georgios Lambelet held Grieg up as an example, saying that in his compositions, Grieg borrowed abundantly from Norwegian songs, and at the same time, enriched his music with the means of the contemporary polyphonic technique.

31 Manolis Kalomiris: Η Ζωή μου ϰαι η τέχνη μου. Απομνημονεύματα 1883–1908, Athens, Εϰδόσεις Νεφέλη, 1988, pp. 98–99: “Με τους ήχους ϰαι τους ϱυθμούς της μουσιϰής γλώσσας αυτού του λαού, με τους θϱύλους του ϰαι τους ϰαημούς του, οι Νεοϱώσοι συνθέτες είχανε φτιάξει μια διϰή τους μουσιϰή γλώσσα, που ϰάτεχε όλα τα τεχνιϰά μυστιϰά της παγϰόσμιας μουσιϰής […]”. Kalomiris wrote his memoirs some time before the Second World War and during the Occupation.

32 Ibid., p. 78.

33 Manolis Kalomiris: “Η Τέχνη μου ϰι’οι πόθοι μου. Για ωδεία ϰαι για τ’ωδείο”, Nouma 31 January 1910, pp. 1–6 quoted in Kaiti Romanou: Εθνιϰής Μουσιϰής Πεϱιήγησις [Wandering through the National Music], vol. I, Athens, Koultoura, 1996, p. 217.

34 For the Hellenic and Romeic thesis, see Michael Herzfeld: Ours once more: Folklore, ideology and the making of modern Greece, New York, Pella, 1986, pp. 18–19. Herzfeld furthermore argues that these two positions indicate a distinction between an outward directed conformity to international expectations about the national image and an inward looking self critical collective appraisal.

35 See Kaiti Romanou: “Eastern Naturalness versus Western Artificiality: Rimsky-Korsakov's Influence on Manoles Kalomoires' Early Operas”, Journal of the Institute of Musicology of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts 5 (2005), pp. 101–115.

36 Ziya Gökalp: Türkçülüğün Esasları [The Principles of Turkism], Istanbul, M. E. Basımevi, [1923] 1970, pp. 146–7 quoted in Füsun Üstel: “1920'li ve 30'lu Yıllarda “Milli Musıki” ve Musıki İnkılabı” [“National Music” and the “Musical Revolution” in the 1920 and 30s], Defter 22 (Fall 1994), pp. 41–53. The parallelism with the conceptions and the ideals of the Greek musicians like G. Lambelet and M. Kalomiris, regarding the establishment of an art music with both national and contemporary features, is obvious.

37 Füsun Üstel: “1920'li ve 30'lu Yıllarda “Milli Musıki” ve Musıki İnkılabı”, pp. 48–49.

38 A. Öztürkmen noted that Selim Sırrı Tarcan integrated the genuine motifs of the zeybek dances to a western form. Arzu Öztürkmen: Türkiye'de Folklor ve Milliyetçilik, p. 227.

39 Selim Sırrı Tarcan: Halk Dansları ve Tarcan Zeybeği [Folk Dances and the Tarcan Zeybek], Istanbul, Ülkü Basımevi, 1948 quoted in A. Öztürkmen: Türkiye'de Folklor ve Milliyetçilik, pp. 225–226.